Judas iscarriot

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V/009/2012; Part IIA, supplement

One can justifiably assert that some 21 years back the International Community believed the rhetoric of EPLF and its leadership. Indeed, one might also rationalize the International Community’s being the dumbo of that time because it was tired of Eriteria’s case and the unending war projected by the conflicting parties.

According to my knowledge and experiences there could be no such thing called “a free lie”, that is why based on the data and info I have, I blame Isaias Afeworki Abraham and his lieutenants.

The untiring tongue of Isaias spits too many words which do not accelerate simultaneously with his brain. He said, “No one has the right to point a finger at us” [Reuter, May 13/2008]. If so, based on what merit or qualifications could PFDJ get the liberty to “point” its blood socked finger at everyone and everything?

EPLF exerted intensive and extensive efforts to coax the International Community, especially in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Isaias in his series of interviews and press conferences of the 1989, 1990 and 1991 expended too much energy to explain about EPLF’s referendum proposal. He, now and then, declared that EPLF were committed to fulfill its promises. They (1) promised not to repeat the mistakes of the past.

(2) Repeatedly asked the International Community to take them at their words.

(3) Pledged to create a system of democratic institutions including independent courts, a freely elected legislature, an executive accountable to both (not to the public).

(4) Promised to disband EPF. Is there anyone who argues that EPLF fulfilled what it promised? Is changing the name EPLF to PFDJ an affair to be proud of? Isn’t it just to change a dirty shirt with another dirty shirt of a different color?

Those who do not understand documents prepared in GEEZE alphabets are invited to refer to Los Angeles Times, March 8/1988; FBIS-AFR-89-199-S, 34000709a London ADULIS in English, July – August 1989 at 2-4; October 17/1989; Focus on the Horn, October 1989 at 4-5; Africa Events, October 1989 at 12; New African, October 1989 at 161; The Horn of Africa Bulletin, October 1990, 2(6) at 16-17; Dan Connell’s reports of the 1990s and 1991s (just to mention some of them and if there is a need to verify facts.

Hence, let’s ask Isaias Afeworki, “Don’t we have the right to point our fingers at you?”; “Doesn’t the International Community, which expended millions; which used too much manpower/hour for years & showed excessive patience” have the right to point its finger at you? Who betrayed whom and who is to be blamed?

We are not in the 1960s. We are far advanced in every aspect from those bloody years. And, we have the right, the authority, the mandate to declare the liars-liars, the cheats-cheats, the bloody assassins-murderers.

Pay attention PFDJ, “There is no doubt that the media can be a weapon of conflict and of peace. Put in the hands of totalitarian regimes, it can become a terrible device propagating messages of hate, intolerance, and disinformation to manipulate public sentiment” [a Ugandan scholar, T. Trevor Kaita in Peace Newsletter, May 2005, 1(2) at 1]. Not only the media under Isaias’ control; the 2011 constructed buildings in Asmara to control electronic messages (internets), the arms, the money, the training of infiltrators continually at Naqfa, Assab, Sawa etc. are none but tools for destruction of human lives & creation of instability in the Horn and East.

We do not need Isaias’ permission or blessing to point our fingers at him and his lieutenants since we have innumerable evidences and have suffered for two decades. We are eligible to point our fingers at Isaias and his lieutenants because we work for peace, social harmony, constitutionalism, rule of law, justice, freedoms and rights, non-discrimination; against terror and terrorism; against mercenaries; against piracy; against kidnapping of innocents and holding hostages; etc. Don’t we have superior moral, psychological and legal caliber as compared to Isaias and his lieutenants?

Isaias and his lieutenants might think of dispatching their underdogs such as Col. YOHANNES, Col. ABRAHAM TESFAY, Col. ASMELASH, Col. HIRUY, Col. AZAZI, Col. YONAS SEMERE, Lt. TEKESTE GAMBELE or ABRAHAM (WEDI WELEY – who was sent to Zimbabwe to assassinate Lt/Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam) with an aim to assassinate individuals in the Horn or East. Even sending the dangerous infiltrator Co. MUSSA won’t help to clean the dirt of Isaias and his lieutenants.

I modestly invite everyone to go through the following dissection in order to grasp part of the true image of EPLF/PFDJ and to have one’s judgments (evaluations).


The referendum proposed by EPLF was prepared and made public after the 1977-1978 peace talks with the Derg failed. At that time EPLF had nothing to table for discussion as was mentioned by some former fighters and members of the Derg’s staff. EPLF’s delegation was challenged by the proposal tabled and imposed by the Derg. That was shocking to the delegation of EPLF. The document which was proposed by EPLF after this talk was as follows.

  1. The following document was the proposal of EPLF in 1980 which was distributed to all who had to know the status of EPLF in regard to the peace talk with the Derg. This proposal was prepared by EPLF politburo after the 1977 to 1978 peace take process failed. The peace talk was mediated by the former East Germany (DDR) in East Berlin. At this particular occasion EPLF apparently had nothing to table for discussion, whereas the Derg presented its 9 point Peace pan (this plan was originally prepared by Genera Aman Michael Andom). The Derg presented his plan having the backing of the Eastern bloc. It imposed on EPLF to accept it by hook or crook which other with was warned to face huge military slaughter. It was realized that after the delegation of EPLF rejected the proposal a huge military offensive took place with the involvement of Russian General, Colonels, Military Intelligence and the intelligence of the then DDR and Yemeni soldiers. It is true that EPLF faced the worst type of offensive which made it to retreat to Naqfa. This time there followed division within the Front and an opposition against the leadership of Isaias Afeworki.

After about two years EPLF proposed a referendum. Please take note of the following document prepared by EPLF.

Made by the

Eritrean People’s Liberation Front

November 1980

First, to bring about a peaceful solution for the Eritrean question, hold a referendum in Eritrea in accordance with the just, democratic and correct principle of the right of peoples to self-determination;

Second, to implement the first point, set up an international commission acceptable to the Ethiopian Government and the Eritrean Revolution. Its composition would be subject to discussion and could be formed from the United Nations, the Organization for African Unity, the Arab League or the Non-Aligned Movement;

Third, reach agreement on a cease-fire and declare it before holding the Referendum and the commission to be set up in accordance with the second point shall monitor and oversee the cease-fire;

Forth, from the moment the cease-fire is declared up to the time the referendum is conducted, both the Ethiopian regime and the Eritrean Revolution should have the freedom to carry out political agitation in all zones where there are Eritreans, with all acts of forcible imposition of views prohibited for both sides so the people may express their views with complete freedom;

Fifth, the time, places, procedure of registration and method of voting, to be determined and formulated by the commission are to be announced;

Sixth, voting shall be based on the following three points: -
1. for full independence

2. for federal association with Ethiopia

3. for regional autonomy
Seventh, for any outcome, the Eritrean people shall freely elect their representatives and establish an independent state or administration through a constitutional assembly.
Eritrean People’s Liberation Front

Khartoum November 1980 (source: www.googe.com)
In March 1981 EPLF again proposed a seven-point peace plan in Tunis. The plan called first for an internationally supervised ceasefire; then referendum for the people of Eriteria to choose one of the three proposed options.
Please note that the three proposed options were those shaded yellow (above). EPLF continued to declare its commitment to these three options until April 1991. This was the time whereby Western powers and the USSR took stand to finish the war peacefully. For this one precondition was put forward by the two strong opposition of the Derg. The condition was to have Lt/ Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam removed and to transfer power to the rebel groups with a mandate to restructure new democratic states. Mengistu was removed from power somehow, but did EPLF kept its word???
It is true that referendum was conducted, but

Who organized it?

How was it organized?

Who controlled all the process?

Were all the promises made respected? If not, why?
The UNOVAR (1993) affirmed the results of the referendum of April 27/1993. However, it is still unclear and outside the international and regional legal instruments why the UN didn’t press EPLF to keep what it promised to do. The referendum remained under question mark, because no injustice can be corrected by another injustice. I am presenting this, herein, just to be used as a preview for further analysis.


An extract is presented, herewith, to be of use as another sample in regard to colonial rule and the attainment of Independence from colonial rule through legal procedures using legal instruments acceptable by the international and regional organizations. Does PFDJ’s Eriteria have such sort of legal document? Why is this necessary and a must legal document not available? Who is responsible?

The Statute of Westminster, 1931.
An Act to give effect to certain resolutions passed A.D. 1931.

By Imperial Conferences held in the years 1926

And 1930. [11th December 1931.]

W HEREAS the delegates of His Majesty's Governments in the United Kingdom, the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, the Irish Free State and Newfoundland, at Imperial Conferences holden at Westminster in the years of our Lord nineteen hundred and twenty-six and nineteen hundred and thirty did concur in making the declarations and resolutions set forth in the Reports of the said Conferences : And whereas it is meet and proper to set out by way of preamble to this Act that, inasmuch as the Crown is the symbol of the free association of the members of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and as they are united by a common allegiance to the Crown, it would be in accord with the established constitutional position of all the members of the Commonwealth in relation to one another that any alteration in the law

touching the Succession to the Throne or the Royal Style and Titles shall hereafter require the assent as well of the Parliaments of all the Dominions as of the Parliament of the United Kingdom : And whereas it is in accord with the established constitutional position that no law hereafter made by the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall extend to any of the said Dominions as part of the law of that Dominion otherwise than at the request and with the consent of that Dominion : And whereas it is necessary for the ratifying, confirming and establishing of certain of the said declarations and resolutions of the said Conferences that a law be made and enacted in due form by authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom : And whereas the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, the Irish Free State and Newfoundland have severally requested and consented to the submission of a measure to the Parliament of the United Kingdom for making such provision with regard to the matters aforesaid as is hereafter in this Act contained : Now, therefore, be it enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows :-

1. In this Act the expression “Dominion " means any of the following Dominions, that is to say, the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia. The Dominion of New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, the Irish Free State and Newfoundland.

2.-(1) The Colonial Laws Validity Act, 1865, shall not apply to any law made after the commencement this Act by the Parliament of a Dominion.

(2) No law and no provision of any law made after the commencement of this Act by the Parliament of a Dominion shall be void or inoperative on the ground that it is repugnant to the law of England, or to the provisions of any existing or future Act of Parliament of the United Kingdom, or to any order, rule or regulation made under any such Act, and the powers of the Parliament of a Dominion shall include the power to repeal or amend any such Act, order, rule or regulation in so far as the same is part of the law of the Dominion.

3. It is hereby declared and enacted that the Parliament of a Dominion has full power to make laws having extra-territorial operation.

4. No Act of Parliament of the United Kingdom passed after the commencement of this Act shall extend, or be deemed to extend, to a Dominion as part of the law of that Dominion, unless it is expressly declared in that Act that that Dominion has requested, and consented to, the enactment thereof.

5. Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provisions of this Act, sections seven hundred and thirty-five and seven hundred and thirty-six of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, shall be construed as though reference therein to the Legislature of a British possession did not include reference to the Parliament of a Dominion.

6. Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provisions of this Act, section four of the Colonial Courts of Admiralty Act, 1890 (which requires certain laws to be reserved for the signification of His Majesty's pleasure or to contain a suspending clause), and so much of section seven of that Act as requires the approval of His Majesty in Council to any rules of Court for regulating the practice and procedure of a Colonial Court of Admiralty, shall cease to have effect in any Dominion as from the commencement of this Act.

7.-(1) Nothing in this Act shall be deemed to apply to the repeal, amendment or alteration of the British North America Acts, 1867 to 1930, or any order, rule or regulation made thereunder.

(2) The provisions of section two of this Act shall extend to laws made by any of the Provinces of Canada and to the powers of the legislatures of such Provinces.

(3) The powers conferred by this Act upon the Parliament of Canada or upon the legislatures of the Provinces shall be restricted to the enactment of laws in relation to matters within the competence of the Parliament of Canada or of any of the legislatures of the Provinces respectively.

8. Nothing in this Act shall be deemed to confer any power to repeal or alter the Constitution or the Constitution Act of the Commonwealth of Australia or the Constitution Act of the Dominion of New Zealand otherwise than in accordance with the law existing

before the commencement of this Act.

9.-(1) Nothing in this Act shall be deemed to authorise the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia to make laws on any matter within the authority of the States of Australia, not being a matter within the authority of the Parliament or Government of the Commonwealth of Australia.

(2) Nothing in this Act shall be deemed to require the concurrence of the Parliament or Government of the Commonwealth of Australia in any law made by the Parliament of the United Kingdom with respect to any matter within the authority of the States of Australia, not being a matter within the authority of the Parliament or Government of the Commonwealth of Australia, in any case where it would have been in accordance with the constitutional practice existing before the commencement of this Act that the Parliament of the United Kingdom should make that law without such concurrence.

(3) In the application of this Act to the Commonwealth of Australia the request and consent referred to in section four shall mean the request and consent of the Parliament and Government of the Commonwealth.

10.-(1) None of the following sections of this Act, that is to say, sections two, three, four, five and six, shall extend to a Dominion to which this section applies as part of the law of that Dominion unless that section is adopted by the Parliament of the Dominion, and any Act of that Parliament adopting any section of this Act may provide that the adoption shall have effect either from the commencement of this Act or from such later date as is specified in the adopting Act.

(2) The Parliament of any such Dominion as aforesaid may at any time revoke the adoption of any section referred to in subsection (1) of this section.

(3) The Dominions to which this section applies are A.D. 1931. The Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand and Newfoundland.

11. Notwithstanding anything in the Interpretation the expression Colony “shall not, in any Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed after the commencement of this Act, include a Dominion or any Province or State forming part of a Dominion.

12. This Act may be cited as the Statute Westminster, 1931. (Source: www.googe.com)
No one has the right to point a finger at us” [Isaias Afeworki to REUTER, May 13/2008]. If so, based on which merit or qualifications could PFDJ get the liberty to “point” its blood socked finger at everyone and everybody? Who on the earth gave legitimacy to PFDJ or to Isaias Afeworki Abraham to claim the presidency of this territory which has no legal document and no constitution? Let’s see what they had to say and what they are saying about their identity and legality.
Sample statements given by some top PFDJ MEMBERS AND SOME FOREIGN CITIZENS concerning the war of stupidity and the conflict that arose within the leadership of EPLF/PFDJ.

What was the genesis of the conflict among the leadership?

What sustained the conflict?

Who benefited from the conflict?

  1. YEMANE GEBEREMESKEL [for any verification you are cordially invited to visit the article AC, September 28/2001, 42 919) at 7, this reference is cited for all those who didn’t follow the progress within the mainland and for those who have forgotten whatever went then].

    1. The G15 arrest had nothing to do with the President”

If so, why were they arrested? Who ordered their arrest? Was there any legal court warrant of arrest? What did Fauzia Hashim (MoJ, PFDJ), Ali Said ABDELLA (deceased); Col. Simon Gebredhingil find after they were assigned by Isaias Afeworki to serve as members of his “Commission of Inquiry”? Weren’t this necessary to be announced to the public?

    1. It concerns illegal acts that jeopardize the nation’s sovereignty”.

Were they conspiring to sell-out the territory? If yes, to which or whom were they going to sell it out? How the transaction was planned and how was it to be executed? Were they planning to use the Swiss BANKS?

Adhanom Gebremariam, Mesfin Hagos, Hebret Berhe, Haile Menkerios, Endrias Habtegiorgis, Derei Mohammed Debas, Tesfai Ghebreab (Gomorra, arrested on October 23/2001), …. Those of you who are still alive and free: Were you conspiring to sell-out Eriteria? To whom? How? [For further clarification and verification please refer to as AC, February 23/2001, 42(4) at 5 to 6; July 27/2001, 42(150 at 8; September 28/2001, 42(19) at 7; October 12/2001. 42(200at 8; April 5/2002, 43(7) at 6 to 7; ION, October 21/2000, No. 922 at 1; October 28/2000, No. 923 at 7; February 17/2001, No.938 at 7; July 28/2001, No. 960 at 7; March 3/2001, No. 940 at 8; December 1/2002, No. 974 at 6;

Africa Research Bulletin (ARB), June 1 -30/2001, 38(6) at 14483c].
QUESTIONS: Is demanding

(1) implementing the 1997 Constitution:

(2) allowing multi-party political system;

(3) government (PFDJ) accountability and transparency;

(4) ending PFDJ’s control of the economy;

(5) stopping arbitrary usurpation of legislative and judiciary power;

(6) dismantling the special court;

(7) free press;

(8) justice for those detained;

(9) international support for democratic freedoms and human rights; etc. to sell out Eriteria?

Is it treason Mohamed Berhane Blata, B/G Mussa Rabai; Worku Tesfamichael; Fauzia Hashim; Askalu MENKERIOS: Lulla Gebreab, etc?

The former Chief Justice TEAME BEYENE accused Isaias Afeworki’s interference in the Supreme Court proceedings. Was he wrong? Did he do it to sell the country?

Generals Sebhat Efrem, Teklai Habteselassie, Umar Hassen Teweel; Filipos Woldeyohannes, Gebreegziabher Gebremariam (wuchu); Haile SAMUEL(China); Al-Amin Mohammed Said; Yemane Ghebreab; Hagos Gebrehiwot; Abdella Jabir; Zemihret Yohannes etc. is this what you call treason? Who is committing what yo call treason against the peoples and the territory of Eriteria? Do you think that you raised and are raising the correct political question of the old time EPLF which promised quite a lot of things but betrayed all of them?


Don’t they have the right to meet with their friends, relatives, countrymen whether it is in New York or not? Does calling it “a secret meeting” make them outlaws? Were they afraid of the FBI or the CIA or American Immigration department or the Interpol to have a secret meeting”? They didn’t commit any crime, if after all this issue is raised. They will be considered guilty only if they are found guilty after a due process under a legitimate court. What is there which is “secret” in Eriteria concerning the political reality of the country? Does their meeting necessarily imply that they were working against their own country? Is “Isaias Afeworki” the nation or the peoples or the territory of Eriteria?
Yeman’s allegation implies “conspiracy”. Conspiracy demands a detailed planning. It assumes who? What? Where? How? When? Why? Conspirators do take serious measures to control what they value most is not lost. Contrary to what is alleged the conspirators are Isaias and his lieutenants. G15 had made their demands clear during their meetings at the Executive level, at the CC level and at the National Assembly level of PFDJ. They have also made their demands public. Is so where and how do we have to believe that they were conspirators?

    1. They “planned to work with the opposition” AENE”.

It is surprising that the group who were declaring that they had no opposition, claimed to have an opposition which is allegedly approached by state officials of PFDJ. Did Yemane present an evidence to show this during the closed session of Isaias’ national assembly in August 2002? No one of Isaias’ clique was able to advance a scintilla of evidence during the closed meeting in which papers were read for three hours criminalizing the already arrested former officials. Did AEFE members reflect any symptom of working with them? In their electronic transmissions they still refer to them as “the so called G15”. Indeed one or two individual might have been communicating them after 2001’s press-ganging of the former officials. Does this make them allays of the opposition forces? Did they produce any material in coalition with these opposition forces?

    1. They “planned to form secret cells in the armed forces and elsewhere and lack support from Ethiopia”.

Is there any evidence which showed that they did what is alleged by Yemane? No material (substantial) or circumstantial evidence was presented and is presented. The victims were well admired and respected by the fighting force, much better than Isaias Afeworki, they could salvage an understanding and undeclared support from the armed forces. It is and was no wonder. There are certain information which indicates that a number of military officers and soldiers were arrested blamed as supporters of G15. It is also true that there were certain symptoms which made Isaias and his lieutenants shedder, but nothing concrete measure was advanced to demonstrate the link, in over or cover. Yemane Gebremeskel, Yemane Ghebreab, Abdella Jabir, etc. those who were recruited after 1994 Congress were nobodies to the fighting force of EPLF. If there is any need further evidence may be presented. For now I reserved the case in order to save lives although I have got no further information whether they are still alive or not. I have cited the old www.ehrea.org to give credit to their contribution. However, this doesn’t imply that I don’t have data. The data might be presented at any time when it becomes necessary and a must.

The 11 "G15" detainees

Ogbe Abraha

Army General; formerly Chief of Staff of the Defense Force, Minister of Trade and Industry, and Minister of Labor and Social Welfare; he has chronic asthma.

Aster Fissehatsion

Director in the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs; executive member of the official National Union of Eritrean Women; EPLF official since 1977; former wife of Mahmoud Ahmed Sheriffo, also detained in September 2001; she has stomach ulcers.

Berhane Gebregziabeher

Army Major-General; head of the National Reserve Force; EPLF political bureau member since 1977.

Beraki Gebreselassie

Former Ambassador to Germany (to May 2001); previously Minister of Education and Minister of Information and Culture


Hamad Hamid Hamad

Head of the Arabic (Middle East) Department in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; former Ambassador to Sudan.

Saleh Kekiya

Former Minister of Transport and Communication, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs and Head of the Office of the President.

Germano Nati

Regional Administrator.

Estifanos Seyoum

Army Brigadier General; former Head of the Inland Revenue Service (to August 2001).

Mahmoud Ahmed Sheriffo

Former Vice-President (dismissed in February 2001), Minister of Local Government, and Minister of Foreign Affairs; EPLF co-founder.

Petros Solomon

Former Minister of Maritime Resources; previously Minister of Foreign Affairs, EPLF military commander and intelligence chief, EPLF political bureau member since 1977.

Haile Woldetensae (or Weldensae, also
known as "Durue")

Former Minister of Trade and Industry (until July 2001); previously Minister of Foreign Affairs during the war and the peace talks, and also Minister of Finance; former EPLF head of political affairs and political bureau member since 1977; he is diabetic.

The 10 journalists detained in September 2001

Said Abdulkadir

Chief editor and founder of the newspaper, Admas; also employee of the Ministry of Information’s Arabic-language newspaper, Haddas Eritrea; aged 34.

Yosuf Mohamed Ali

Chief editor of the newspaper, Tsigenay; business studies graduate; aged 45.

Amanuel Asrat

Chief editor of the newspaper, Zemen ("Time"); EPLF member since the 1970s.

Temesgen Gebreyesus

Sports reporter on the newspaper, Keste Debena ("Rainbow"); amateur actor; aged 36.

Mattewos Habteab

Editor of the newspaper, Meqaleh ("Echo"); mathematics graduate, University of Asmara; aged 30.

Dawit Habtemichael

Assistant chief editor and co-founder of the newspaper, Meqaleh; physics graduate, University of Asmara; full-time science teacher employed by the Ministry of Education; aged 30.

Medhanie Haile

Assistant chief editor and co-founder of the newspaper, Keste Debena; law graduate, University of Asmara; full-time employee of the Ministry of Justice; aged 33.

Dawit Isaac

Editor and co-owner of the newspaper, Setit; dual Eritrean and Swedish citizen as a result of being granted asylum in Sweden in the 1980s; education graduate; writer and theatre producer; aged 38.

Seyoum Tsehaye

Freelance photographer; French language graduate and former French teacher; EPLF veteran since the 1970s; former director of Eritrean state television in the early 1990s; aged 49.

Fessaye Yohannes ("Joshua")

Reporter and co-founder of the newspaper, Setit; EPLF veteran since 1977; poet and director of an amateur cultural dance group; studied in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2000; aged 46.

    1. They “encouraged Asmara University students to oppose compulsory work camps”.

FACTS: I was there as a national service conscript assigned to teach certain courses with a hidden agenda of torturing me there in front of all those whom I got them employed while I was a department Head.

  1. The student council was arguing about payment, i.e., 3,000N whereas Woldeab Isaac (then president of the University) insisted 900N. None of them raised anything against “compulsory work camps” at that particular time.

  1. After the students were arrested and two of them died (one bitten by a snake and another due to alleged heart failure), the state was frustrated. The Press release issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to contradict what was correctly reported by AF, was out-in-out a lie. It said the death resulted due to “ climate conditions” [see Africa research Bulletin. August 1-31/2001, 38(8) at 14526B-C; BBC on line, August 21/2001]. Woldeab Isaac was challenged by parents in his office after they pressed too much to get him face to face although he attempted to divert things calling the military and security to control the campus and protect him in his office. Parents raised quite a number of questions which also concern his own children and his blunder in the University and the country.

  1. Woldeab called a general staff meeting and raised an agenda which requests the staff to organize a group. This group was meant to the arrested students and to convince them that “that they had to accept that they were wrong and had to apologize to the state so that they could get amnesty and released from prison”. During this meeting I was the only one who challenged the agenda, the part shard by Woldeab and the University as an Institution of higher training and research; the illegality of his participation in this affair which has nothing to do with politics; in the freedoms and rights of expression in the university campus be they students or staff; the illegitimacy of Isaias and his role as a president without the consent of the people except a few of his former comrade-in-arms; etc. I was forced to stop talking although Woldeab or the staff had no answer for the core questions raised. Furthermore, the meeting was called because Woldeab was the individual who messed up things and got the students cornered without their knowledge although they were demanding mainly for financial increment for the service they were required to accomplish. Their arguments were acceptable. They were graduating class. They needed the money to prepare their graduating research papers and to buy some clothing for graduation ceremony.

  1. A second meeting was called because of the crack that was created during the first meeting. This time Woldeab invited Yemane Gebreab to explain to university staff about the then political situation of the country. The then situation of the country was very clear to the farmer communities. It was a great shame for the university staff to request Yemane to come and explain things. The staff was expected to be the best informed section of the society. However, they needed a prepared equation so that they could say the same thing to any question raised. I was again the only one who raised challenging questions because I had a lot of first hand information and experience about the war on both sides since before it was declared and about the nature of PFDJ, the intrigues played by EPLF during the referendum; the betrayal that was observed by certain countries which were approached through their respective embassies. The most challenging issue was that of PFDJ and its role in the country. Next to this came the presidency of Isaias Afeworki. I asked Yemane, “Who elected Isaias Afeworki Abraham to be the President of Eriteria? Not the people. The International community, including UNOVAR had no mandate or right to appoint his to be the president of the country. It is only you “former fighters who elected him. His international recognition was to give him the chance to restructure the political system and found a popular government through popular elections”. His “legitimacy as a leader is partial, because you former fighters gave him the green light without involving the public”. The case of PFDJ made him really nervy. [in Tigrigna, “ni-ki-ti-rnif e-mber me-ra-h me-n-gis-ti ni-ki-kewn a-yi-ko-ne-n”]. He failed to do what he was expected to do. Instead he made himself the unquestionable leader of the country, i.e., totalitarian dictator. Then I was told to stop by Woldeab. When Woldeab ordered me to stop I asked Yemane “Ato Yemane do you want me to stop? “ He said “Yes”. Then all of a sudden I got up of my seat, walked down the steps to the table where Yemane and Woldeab were sitting. After reaching there I saluted them and told him something not to forget. Following that I turned left and walked very slowly out of the hall. During this episode not a single individual talked and no single voice was heard. The hall was dead silent although there was not less than 150 staff (academic and administrative). For a few (about 4 individuals) my leaving out of the hall gave them relief. They were unhappy to get me again in the University where I was the one who helped them to be employed. Next, my promotion to the rank of professorship in 1990 created a very serious discomfort to a lot. I was not promoted as a gift. I did a lot of research and contributed a lot to the progress of the University and lots of publications to be promoted without being a member of WPE. My publications were rigorously evaluated by professionals unknown to me. That is the culture and professional ethic of academia all over the world. Unfortunately, it didn’t make the EPLF fighters and their recruits since 1989 happy.

Ato Isaias Afeworki, who thinks that professorship, is like the stars of a general attempted to get my title scratched to make his boot lickers happy. However, he was told through a letter sent to him (using his fax) and his security chief, that my promotion is not something that Isaias or all his recruits could cut out as if it were the stars of his generals. The same was told to the staff. Some of them are still serving the regime. Therefore, all those who do not yet have the true picture of the university in 2001 and after; as well as the fate of those officials (whom I had met with some of them and discussed a lot of issues which had nothing to do with their internal friction) are advised to take time and ruminate it. Without the true facts no one could found a democratic Eriteria.

  1. I met with some of those who were arrested. I had a number of opportunities with about three individuals who were ardent supporters of the state, turned against it after they were taken to the desert to be punished. They were tortured physically, psychologically, morally and physiologically. Initially, they had no idea how the demand for high payment was twisted to a political issue. Despite this, turning and twisting it somehow to a political question was the interest of Isaias and his lieutenants. After they were arrested almost all of them felt the dictatorial nature of the state and most of them, in one way or another, left the country. There were a few sons or daughters or relatives of the arrested former officials in the university. The son of Haile Woldensea and his automatic flight to the Sudan with the help of his mother and another relative (aunt?) was a shock to some of these students.

During this time the part shared by parents of the arrested students was of great importance. They made Woldeab a “shit of Eriteria”, whereas the former EPLF fighters and PFDJ members closed their mouths until it was proved that he was permitted to slip out never to return. He was paid by a foreign government outside Eritrea. He had two children. He didn’t call them to go to serve or join Sawa training camp. He used to have security agents in his office. He used to order them to press-gang some staff & students to Sawa whenever he felt threatened or tod to do something by his informants including Tadesse Mehari (the shylock); Wozenet Tedros (the opportunist who used Addis Ababa University in 1978/79 to her advantage and left it without proper clearance from Germany to join Asmara University when one of her awaragas man was appointed as the President of UOA by EPLF); Bisrat Gebru, Berhane Girmay, etc. These are some of the few lower animals in the world of Eriteria who lie, cheat, concoct using their regional groups just to save their skins. Well they were given repeated opportunities to go abroad for training, but used to have the opportunity to be blocked for some individuals which they know very well and I am not interested to remind them what they know and did).

After Woldeab left we heard a lot of hidden grievances about Woldeab Isaac especially from EPLF members and former fighters. The reason given was medical problem. “He was not sick and had no problem what so ever”. He got some agitators after about 8 months and a very shameless propaganda was projected using Hadas Eritrea about him.

  1. Dr. Asgede Hagos and Dr. Haile Mezghebe, (April 06/2002, www.bidhho.com) wrote

TPLF’s response to the request from a small group of former Eriterian leaders to stop Ethiopia’s third offensive in exchange for the ouster of the president is only the latest proof that the Woyane’s final destinations were not Bademe or Zalambessa, but Assab and Asmara”. (I am sorry; I didn’t see any of the said material. If it is available I would thank anyone who would make public. However, I woud like to inform them that I was there in Addis Ababa during the said visit and I know what was going on on both sides although they referred to the other side only).

These two American citizens of Eriterian descent wrote this exacty two years after the Algiers peace talk failed because of Isaias Afeworki who got his “authority damaged” and was left with “a punctured myth” of EPLF’s “invincible superiority” [AC, May 14/1999; May 26/2000, 4(11) at 4-5]. Did these doctors know what was sent to Isaias and his cabinet of ministers on January 02/1998 and to PM Meles Zenawi on 27 December/1997 with a copy to the American Embassy in Addis Ababa? None of them wanted to mention what advice was given to Isaias and his ministers. Laughing at those who attempted to save the region form a non-stop problem is not maturity in politics, diplomacy, or in age or in experiences.

Despite the trash allegation of these opportunist scholars Assab and Asmara are still where they were and are. Ethiopian troops’ extraordinary marsh within the territory of Eriteria was not stopped by Asgede and Haile or for that matter by their colleagues or their “HERO”. It was stopped by the Ethiopians themselves. How far blind, deaf and mentally crippled these became is Left to the judgment of Eriterians on the mainland. But, again, “WE REMEMBER”… “WE DO NOT FORGET AL THOSE WHO LOST THEIR PRECIOUS LIVES IN THIS INDEFINABLE AND WAR OF STUPIDITY”.


Isaias Afeworki initially denied the existence of any political prisoner in the territory he rules using force. But, he started loosening his tongue for time to time whenever he got the chance to be interviewed especially by foreign correspondents. Some of his statements include the following.

3.1) “There are not politicians. These are people who have betrayed their nation [Sic!] in difficult times….When people work for foreign government paid or not paid, that again isn’t politics, it is treason” [Isaias Afeworki, Profile, May 24/2003 at 6].

It is really surprising to hear these words spitted by Isaias Afeworki who got millions from the Americans and is getting at least 12 million dollars pocket money from Communist China. He never presented any evidence about the said individuals, but we have a lot against him.

3.2) After five years he said, “It is very small numbers [arrested political prisoners], and we are not shy to say these are individuals who’ve done harm to the national security for this country. We are not questioning the fact that we have done this and we will continue to do it. This has nothing to do with human rights” [Isaias Afeworki, to Reuter’s correspondent, May 13/2008].

If so do not they have the right to due process and justice? Why were they not charged and sent to the court if after all there is a court in Eriteria? Does Isaias know the right of access to fair trial? Does he know the right to have a lawyer? What does he understand by rule of law, justice, due process, etc? Do not they have the right to meet with their families? Do not they have to be visited by any one who wants to do so? Were they visited by the IRCS or is it also incriminated? The Special Court is not legitimate by any standard in the word.

3.3) “We can’t allow pree that is bought by companies, organizations, governments from outside and working in the country to disrupt harmony, work to divide the nation on all sorts of prehistoric or medieval politics, religion, ethnicity, region, as a country that has done through a very long politica experience” [BBC, Interview, April 18/2003].

It is a great wonder that Isaias who has organized a number of groups and has offered them al electronic media to do the same thing he claims to oppose [the Oromos, the Tigrays, the Somalis, the Amharas, and all other assorted groups who fill the rooms and floors of Isaias’ Mo Information, Foreign Language Department]. What are these groups doing there at the hill.

It is also a wonder that Isaias Afeworki who employed a foreign agent, Wodeab Isaac, and made him to indulge in every sector of the country’s affairs, got the gut to blame his own comrade-in-arms and free press journalists as agents of foreign countries. What about the agents he trained in Naqfa recently and sent them to Sudan, South Sudan, Uganda, Kenya, Somalia and other neighboring countries in the name of refugees? Does he think that we don’t know? Does he think that because he got president Museveni visited his territory recently he has all the access to do what he like in these countries of the Horn? I don’t want to name names, because it is the affair of Uganda, but it must be clear that we know who is who and who is doing what here whether it is with the consent of local officials or not. And we know how some of his agents were made to get out of this country.

By and large he himself and none of his people presented any evidence to incriminate them as agents of foreign countries. The journalists were doing all they could to self-censor themselves. I wouldn’t claim them to be devoid of weakness, because I have observed some and I have faced funny things there at UOA. It is surprising for me to blame these as foreign agents although I saw some of them working for PFDJ.

Unfortunate to PFDJ’s officials, not those criminalized victims ran to lick spittle, but Isaias and his lieutenants [There are numerous evidences- substantial and circumstantial]. We also know how far they are trying to infiltrate YAHOO, GOOGLE AND OTHER SERVICES.

We are not finished. But, we remember the victimized innocent natives irrespective of their former political position, sex, age, academic level, ethnicity, religion or language. There is no legal ground to justify their being incarcerated and some of them to die in prisons unless and otherwise the rule of law and due process of justice are practiced.

Those of you who stand for the rule of law, justice, constitutionalism, freedoms and rights, etc are called upon to remember them now and tomorrow or after that. Here is a candle for all of them. ALL ERITERIAN DEMOCRATS I AM PRESENTING THIS FOR ALL OF US ESPECIALY TAKING THE LIBERTY TO GET IT CIRCULATED IN THE NAME OF THE BROAD MASSES OF ERITERIA!!! (My thanks and appreciation goes to the Eriterian Human Rights Group, and assenna for the photos which I made reservations not to use new ones deliberately. I sent permit requests, but am not sure whether they received it or not).

[ eritrea flag 1952-58][flag of eritrea, 1993-95]




THOSE OF YOU WHO DIED IN THE PRISONS OF ISAIAS AFEWORKI AND HIS LEUTENANTS SHACKLED WITH METAL CHAINS AND ATTACHED TO THE CHAIN ABOUT 7KG METALIC BALL (based on information I collected from former prisoners who also indicated the existence of secretly chained and locked ones who are never seen except the sound heard when they are allowed to go to the toilet after locking every prison cell).

Those of you who are still alive we pray to God and we struggle to enable you see the sun of freedom shining in Eriteria!!!!

My picture presentation is not exhaustive. I hope these will help us to be mobilized to remember and pay tribute to all these innocent victims and the rest who are still languishing in the prisons of Isaias and his lieutenants.

Kiflemariam Melake Negassi

P. O. Box 72522, Clock Tower,

Kampala, Uganda.

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