Lat Crit k black white binary

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Black white binary

1NC Black white binary

They view race relations in terms of the black-white binary – that papers over anti-Latino racism.

Linda Martín Alcoff, 3-02-2010, Professor of Philosophy at Hunter College and the CUNY Graduate Center, “Latinos Beyond the Binary,”

Contradictory binaries flourish in climates where simplifications are preferred over complex analysis. The idea that a black/white racial binary can account for all forms of racism in the United States is an example of such a pernicious simplification, as well as the idea that Latinos, or whites, have homogeneous political effects on our shared public culture. In this paper I want to redress such simplifications by developing three concepts that are especially relevant for understanding the conditions of Latinos in the U.S. The first concept is anti-Latino racism, as a specific form of racism distinct in some regards to antiblack racism and thus lost in racial discourses that remain exclusively focused on the black-white binary. The second concept is ethnorace, a hybridized identity category that bridges racial and ethnic categories and enhances our ability to conceptualize the treatment of most if not all Latinos in the U.S.. And the third concept involves an expansion of identity categories--ethnic and racial and ethno-racial—that I argue will help us to understand the economic and political realities and transformations in the current era. Each concept offers an alternative to binaries either through a larger set of conceptual resources or through transcending given binaries in a bridge concept. But the overall point is that, as we address each of these issues, the binary of threat and promise should counsel against unified political projections, as if we could empower only one set of forces in this tug of war. We need, rather, to chart the likely contradictory effects of every step that is taken.

This turns case; the black-white binary fractures coalitions, isolates blacks and causes nihilism; effective resistance to white supremacy must include recognition of multi-colored racism and relinquishment of the binary.

Elizabeth Martinez, 6-09-2004, writer, activist, educator, teaches Ethnic Studies and Women’s Studies in the California state university system, currently works with Latin@ and multinational youth groups, published five books on social movements and writer for Z Magazine, Rethinking Schools and other publications on Latin@ issues, “Seeing More than Black & White,”

When Kissinger said years ago "nothing important ever happens in the south," he articulated a contemptuous indifference toward Latin America, its people and their culture which has long dominated U.S. institutions and attitudes. Mexico may be great for a vacation and some people like burritos but the usual image of Latin America combines incompetence with absurdity in loud colors. My parents, both Spanish teachers, endured decades of being told kids were better off learning French. U.S. political culture is not only Anglo-dominated but also embraces an exceptionally stubborn national self-centeredness, with no global vision other than relations of domination. The U.S. refuses to see itself as one nation sitting on a continent with 20 others all speaking languages other than English and having the right not to be dominated. Such arrogant indifference extends to Latinos within the U.S. The mass media complain, "people can't relate to Hispanics" - or Asians, they say. Such arrogant indifference has played an important role in invisibilizing La Raza (except where we become a serious nuisance or a handy scapegoat). It is one reason the U.S. harbors an exclusively white-on-Black concept of racism. It is one barrier to new thinking about racism which is crucial today. There are others. Good-bye White Majority In a society as thoroughly and violently racialized as the United States, white-Black relations have defined racism for centuries. Today the composition and culture of the U.S. are changing rapidly. We need to consider seriously whether we can afford to maintain an exclusively white/Black model of racism when the population will be 32 percent Latino, Asian/Pacific American and Native American - in short, neither Black nor white - by the year 2050. We are challenged to recognize that multi-colored racism is mushrooming, and then strategize how to resist it. We are challenged to move beyond a dualism comprised of two white supremacist inventions: Blackness and Whiteness. At stake in those challenges is building a united anti-racist force strong enough to resist contemporary racist strategies of divide-and- conquer. Strong enough, in the long run, to help defeat racism itself. Doesn't an exclusively Black/white model of racism discourage the perception of common interests among people of color and thus impede a solidarity that can challenge white supremacy? Doesn't it encourage the isolation of African Americans from potential allies? Doesn't it advise all people of color to spend too much energy understanding our lives in relation to Whiteness, and thus freeze us in a defensive, often self- destructive mode?

The alternative is to reject the affirmative’s understanding of race relations in favor of a move towards imagery of pluralism – this is key to remove ourselves from the oppositional imagery of the affirmative and create coalitions against white supremacy.

Linda Martín Alcoff, 11-06-2002, Professor of Philosophy at Hunter College and the CUNY Graduate Center, “Latino/as, Asian-Americans and the Black-White Binary,”

I would add to these arguments the following two. 6) The black/white binary and the constant invocation of all race discourses and conflicts as between blacks and whites has produced an imaginary of race in this country in which a very large white majority confronts a relatively small black minority, which has the effect of reenforcing the sense of inevitability to white domination. This is not the reality of racial percentages in almost any major urban center in the country today. Nonwhites outnumber whites in New York, NY, Miami, FL, Chicago, IL, Atlanta, GA, and Los Angeles, CA, and come very close in San Francisco, CA, Dallas, TX, and Washington DC. The original intent of the electoral college was to protect small states and create a buffer between the hoi polloi and the U.S. Government, but the current effect of the electoral college given these changed demo graphics has the added "advantage" of disenfranchising the occupants of cities generally and people of color specifically from influencing national electoral outcomes. If the popular vote determined elections, the cities would have the determining numbers of votes, since this is where the majority of U.S. citizens now live and where the trend of movement is toward. The numbers and concentrations of people of color in the U.S. means that we are quickly moving past the politics of recognition, where people of color clamor for recognition from the all powerful majority, and reaching the politics of power negotiation, where we can negotiate from a position of power rather than having to rely exclusively on moral appeals. The white majority will not maintain its near hegemonic political control as new configurations of alliances develop.26 Moreover, the white majority is far from monolithic, splintering most notably along gender and class lines: the gender gap has widened in electoral politics along with the gap between union and non-union households (the two largest gaps in the last presidential election), with droves of white women and white union members voting the same as the majority of people of color. Thus, thinking of race in terms only of black and white produces a sense of inevitability to white domination which is not empirically supportable. I believe this issue of imagery is very significant. Whites must come to realize that maintaining white dominance for much longer is simply not a viability, short of fascism, or significantly expanding the fascist treat ments that many communities already experience. By maintaining the black/white binary we only persist in falsely representing the realities of race in the U.S.; by opening up the binary to rainbow images and the like we can more accurately and thus helpfully present the growing and future conditions within which political action and contestations will occur. This is in everyone's interests. For this reason, the increasingly high profile of Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Latino/as is all to the good. It may also someday lead away from the imagery of oppositionality, or mutually exclusive interests, which the very terms black and white have long conveyed, and move toward an imagery of pluralism (which has some of its own problems, I realize, but which can more readily recognize the diverse ways in which alliances and differences can occur).

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